Intersectionality and air pollution in the world of work

Jenny (0:32–1:19):
Hello, my name is Jenny Yi-Chen Han. I am a Research Associate on Gender, Environment, and Development at the Stockholm Environment Institute – Asia Centre. In this miniseries, we will take a deep dive into multiple aspects of air pollution and its impact on work and livelihood. In the first episode, we will focus on the aspect of intersectionality on air pollution. Our guest today is Thanh Vu, one of our research partners in the project titled “The impact of air pollution on the world of work for women and youth in East and Southeast Asia.” Thanh is currently working for the Institute of Human Studies based in Hanoi, where she serves as the head of the Department of Human Development and Human Resources Study. Thanh, welcome to the podcast.

Thanh (1:19–1:22):
Hello, Jenny. Thank you for inviting me to the podcast.

Jenny (1:23–1:39):
Thank you so much. Nice to have you today. So, let’s start with the existing research on air pollution. What does existing research tell us about the socio-economic and gendered impacts of air pollution? For example, what are some of the current gaps in this field of research?

Thanh (1:40–4:04):
Existing studies show that demographic and social factors affect a person’s exposure to air pollution. These include education, work history, family needs for division of labor, and family structure. Where people live and work greatly impacts their exposure, because air pollution is not evenly distributed. Studies indicate that sex and gender influence how women and men are exposed to air pollution. Due to both biological and social differences, they are affected differently. Gender affects daily roles, which shapes how men and women are exposed. Income and education disparities are also root causes. On average, women spend three times more time in kitchens than men, exposing them more to indoor pollution and household air pollution. In Vietnam, air pollution has become a serious concern. However, most studies address it from environmental or health perspectives, with little focus on intersectionality—especially the social and cultural aspects. Our research project, “Intersectional impacts of air pollution on the world of work of informal labour groups in craft villages in Hanoi, Vietnam,” uses a gender and intersectional lens to explore how air pollution affects working conditions for informal workers—especially women and youth—who are disadvantaged due to social norms, hierarchies, division of labor, and limited resources.

Jenny (4:05–4:23):
Thank you so much. Now that we have some background, let’s talk more about your research. You mentioned your focus on intersectional impacts in Hanoi’s craft villages. Could you tell us more about your case study?

Thanh (4:24–6:36):
Craft villages in Vietnam provide employment for many informal workers and contribute significantly to rural economic development. However, these workers face environmental risks, including air pollution. While studies have acknowledged that air pollution affects villagers and nearby areas, none has investigated the intersectional factors behind exposure. Our project unpacks structural causes of air pollution and drivers of exposure for different labor groups. It looks at how informal workers—especially women and youth—are differently affected. We also examine how various stakeholders are addressing air pollution. We applied participatory research methods—focus groups, interviews, working diaries, and photovoice—to understand workers’ perceptions and experiences. This allowed us to document air pollution from the viewpoint of laborers themselves and share protective measures they are using. 

Jenny (6:37–6:50):
It’s really great to hear that you used multiple research methods to understand workers’ experiences of air pollution in their workplaces. Can you tell me a bit more about how your findings help address current research gaps?

Thanh (6:51–11:54):
Our study reflects the intersectional influences of air pollution on laborers. Exposure and impacts in craft villages are shaped by several factors. The first is personal factors like sex. Women often do lighter but more meticulous work, while men typically perform physically demanding and hazardous tasks in more polluted environments. Although men and women work in the same facilities and breathe the same air, men tend to spend less time in the workshops due to tasks that allow more movement. Young people, especially young men, are more likely to be exposed due to their physical capacity. In contrast, middle-aged workers often have pre-existing health conditions that increase their vulnerability.

The second factor is social and cultural. Gender norms influence employment choices. Women, still expected to handle housework, may choose jobs in craft villages despite health risks because these allow more flexibility to care for their families. Men, expected to be breadwinners, often take hazardous but higher-paying jobs like spray painting or machine operation. Community dynamics in villages can limit complaints about pollution. Workers may feel pressure to remain silent, and village culture may prevent local authorities from enforcing regulations effectively.

Migrant status also plays a role. Migrant workers live near production sites, so they’re exposed both during work and rest. They often accept more dangerous jobs for higher pay, since they are temporary and less integrated into local support structures. They rarely join unions or organizations that could advocate for their rights.

The third factor is institutional. Craft villages lack formal assessments of air pollution due to limited funding, skills, and tools. Occupational health and safety measures are weak. Although some village conventions mention environmental protection, enforcement and monitoring are inadequate.

Jenny (11:55–12:13):
Excellent. It’s interesting to know there are three factors that influence exposure to air pollution. Can you elaborate on how you used a gender and intersectional lens in your analysis?

Thanh (12:14–13:59):
Multiple and overlapping identities can make some workers more vulnerable to air pollution, because they have fewer resources and less power to protect themselves or improve their work conditions. In our study, we looked at gender, age, and migrant status. Gender norms and stereotypes shape how work is divided in the villages, which affects exposure. Young people, because of their strength but limited experience, often take on heavier, riskier tasks. Migrant workers, driven by financial need and lacking protection, accept highly polluted jobs that locals avoid. They also receive little support from social organizations. 

Jenny (14:00–14:06):
Very interesting. Can you tell us a little bit more about the ways that workers can be affected by air pollution?

Thanh (14:07–16:43):
Air pollution clearly affects both workers’ health and income. Men are less likely to mention health problems, even when their work involves direct exposure to emissions. This may be because they have better physical condition or pay less attention to health issues. Similarly, young people, despite doing heavier tasks, seldom discuss health impacts due to their stronger health. Workers in the craft villages are paid by the number of products they make or on a daily basis. Even if they don’t take a break, fatigue caused by air pollution can reduce productivity and thus income. Some women choose to take days off when factory conditions are especially bad, to protect their health.

Interestingly, exposure to air pollution can influence wages. Those who do more dangerous jobs may be paid more. However, since men and women often work in the same polluted workshops, both are exposed—though differently. Men may be more directly exposed during tasks, but they often spend less time in the facilities because their jobs include transport and delivery work, which takes them outside. Women, in contrast, stay inside for longer periods and receive lower pay, often without any hazardous-work compensation. This highlights income inequality linked to air pollution exposure.

Thanh (16:44–18:06):
The roles of both stakeholders and the workers themselves affect exposure. Workers often don’t voice concerns to employers or authorities, possibly due to lack of awareness or strong community norms that discourage speaking up. Many still avoid using basic protective equipment like masks, saying it’s uncomfortable. Women are more likely than men to take protective measures—possibly because they experience more health issues or are less tolerant of polluted environments.

From a governance perspective, craft villages are part of the informal economy. There are few, if any, local institutions protecting worker rights. Regulations addressing air pollution risk in workplaces are limited or not enforced.

Jenny (18:07–18:22):
Thank you for the information. Lastly, I’d like to ask about policies. How can workers be affected by air pollution policies that are often overlooked?

Thanh (18:23–19:46):
Policies from state, local governments, village rules, and community groups all influence air pollution management and support for workers. But implementation is weak. Regulations are fragmented and don’t provide comprehensive protection for informal workers. Notably, policies rarely consider the vulnerability of informal or migrant workers. While NGOs like the ILO and trade unions have done advocacy, efforts are still limited. Also, environmental protection policies in Vietnam are largely gender-blind and don’t address the unique risks women face in polluted work environments.

Jenny (19:47–20:16):
Ok great. Thank you again. It’s really great to hear your findings and analysis through an intersectional lens. It helped us understand how gender, age, migration status, and cultural norms shape unequal exposure to air pollution. I really appreciate the time you’ve spent with us today and your willingness to share your knowledge and experience. It’s been a real pleasure talking to you.

Thanh:
It’s my pleasure too. Thank you, Jenny.